The
Economist has a new editor. I learnt that she is a woman, a fact given away by
John Micklethwait, in his excellent valedictory editorial. A bit of work on
Google this morning reveals her name as Zanny Minton Beddoes.
I don’t
know if it is a co-incidence, but this week saw by far the worst article I have
ever read in the magazine, entitled “From Cold War to Hot War”, about Russia.
The piece
could have been written by a retired colonel from the seventies. I remember at
school that once a year some old guy in a faded uniform would come to speak to
us. It was always the same, the purpose was to scare us with propaganda. I
guess they thought public school kids might become opinion formers, or future
recruits to military or intelligence. More likely, sensible schools wouldn’t
have let these people near their kids. I remember misleading charts full of
outsize Russian tanks seemingly on the point of invading Eastbourne – captain
Mainwaring could not have done it better.
At college,
I met my first Russian, a girl with many of the same quirks as the rest of us,
a bit weird but in a normal, reassuring way. Before that, I seriously thought
that all Russians were rabid communists. Once I had made the connection, I
vowed never to be fooled by such nonsense again.
It was a
good lesson, and one that has stood the test of time. I have developed a nose
for censorship and a healthy scepticsm about the judgement of others. Such
antennae have been especially active since moving to the US. Yesterday’s Russians
have become today’s Muslims. But now it seems the Russians are back in the
frame as well.
From the
Economist, I have come to expect rigour, balance and some practical options.
This article lacked all three.
I hated the
regular twinning of EU and NATO. From the article, you could almost think they
were the same organisation. In reality they are very different.
The EU
promotes economic and human development among its member states. It does not
threaten anyone, has admirable governance and attempts to be transparent. NATO
is a military alliance. It aims to project military power and threat to promote
the interests of its member states. It was formed specifically to contain
Russia, and is dominated by the US. Its governance is far from transparent.
Viewed from
Russia, the EU and NATO will appear completely different. One is a potential
trading partner, a forum for development, and a threat only in terms of rule of
business law and as a demonstration to Russian people that alternative economic
models might be stronger than the Kremlin’s. The other is a direct, military
threat, aimed at the throat of the bear at all times.
I hated the
box “In the Kremlin’s pocket”. We were supposed to conclude that many political
parties across Europe were somehow stooges for Russia. As far as I could tell,
the only so-called evidence was that the FN in France had accepted a loan from
Russia. The rest was innuendo, and pretty pathetic innuendo at that.
I hated the
chart comparing Russia’s defence spending and NATO’s. It used the puerile
device of starting from a year where Russia’s spending was lowest and then
indexing – so that Russia’s spending now appeared more threatening.
But also
striking, an ultimately more worrying, was the lack of ideas. The article noted
how Putin was fighting on many fronts, and the tactics he uses, such as cycles
taking military ground and then negotiating a pause. But I didn’t really see
any thoughts about what to do about the situation. There was not even an
opinion about the extent to arm the Ukrainian government – correctly pointing
out that this would play into Putin’s hand by validating his story about the
conflict being stoked from behind by the US.
I am no
apologist for Putin. He was schooled in the KGB and shameless in tactics and
disrespect for humanity. Actions in Chechnya, Abkhazia, Transdniester and
Crimea are pretty indefensible, as was his cynical and inhumane reaction to the
downing of the Malaysian airliner. The Litvinenko story is frightening and consistent.
But Putin
and his coterie will only be controlled if we try to understand the world from
their eyes. We can hazard some guesses.
Russian
history of the last hundred years has been repetitive humiliation. Losses in
both world wars were horrific. The state collapsed in the 1980’s. Afghanistan
showed the ineptness of the military. They were lectured by Reagan and then
Bush. The country was led by an alcoholic stooge – when Yeltsin danced at
conferences or failed to get off a plane in Dublin, the rest of the world
laughed, but just imagine the hurt that would cause in a patriot. For all his
flaws, the only one that seemed to project any authority was Stalin. And the
Russian Orthodox Church gives God’s cover for doing what it takes to restore
greatness.
Then there
is the world map. Go back far enough and choose your date, and Russia
encompassed much of Europe. Even now, its sheer scale is truly awesome. When
Putin was growing up, the borders with places like Ukraine or Lithuania were
more like between administrative regions than nations. He’ll have been raised
on pictures of a Russian Crimea or Georgia. In his mind, that is probably the
correct order of things.
Then, as a
KGB man, he must take a cynical but perhaps realistic view of the CIA. He will
know the extent of covert operations during the cold war and the tactics
employed, and how nothing much was dismantled after 1990. Small wonder he sees
CIA plots in Kiev, Tbilisi and everywhere else – and is he wrong? Responses
about democracy and the will of the people wear pretty thin when we see the
democratic weakening of congress and the double standards over Crimea.
Finally,
he’ll take a jaundiced view of the US itself. Here is a nation that undermines
international organisations, defends an occupation, invades at will, seems to
have a congress controlled by sinister money, and rescinds on agreements at
will. When poked by tiny Cuba, the US went into a fifty-year sulk, but it still
has the gall to talk of freedom and values. Now there is ill-disguised cynical
economic war too, from a nation supposedly espousing free markets.
I guess
that will be a large part of the Putin perspective. We can add in some paranoia
and politics at home, a perpetual fear of everything and everyone and a
controlling manipulation to manage the indefensible. Further, he will feel a
horrible shame and jealousy of others that have shamed Russia economically.
This has to
be the start of a basis to respond. A report for the UK government today found
that poor diplomacy meant that the UK and EU did not realise what a threat the
purported Ukraine/EU agreement at the end of 2013 would be seen in Russia.
True, but surely you don’t need an army of diplomats to deduce this, merely a
simple willingness to see the world through other eyes. This does not seem to
have been a strength of US or UK foreign policy lately.
It will be
hard now to find a workable accommodation over Ukraine, without more loss of
life or loss of face or risk of escalation. The only place to start, as always,
is to gain the high ground by respectful use of genuinely international institutions,
for example by involving China, and by scaling down the military rhetoric.
The
Economist was right about one thing: in the end the only way to offer a better
life for Russians is to demonstrate stronger values: then the Russian people
will in the end come around. It is a shame that our Western values are so
easily diluted. Up until now, one beacon has been the Economist itself. We can
only hope that this poor article is a one off, and that the magazine does not
start to become part of the problem too.