I haven’t previously blogged about Brexit. Partly, that is because there have been so many column inches on the subject that it is tough to find something original to say. The Economist and Guardian have been stuffed with Brexit articles ever since Cameron promised the referendum. The general tone has been of despair and “I told you so”, as well as plenty of introspection about deeper causes and the British character. There has been a lot of good stuff, and a lot of more thoughtless or mundane material and of repetition.
Still, I am British and the relationship with the EU can be argued to have dominated the politics of my country for my whole life, so I can’t just ignore the subject. I have come up with four thoughts.
Firstly, to understand Brexit supporters, I recall my mum and her beloved Daily Mail.
My mum was born in 1930 to an aspiring working class family. She was fed a constant ‘Brexit diet” throughout her life. Her education featured pink maps and suggestions of British superiority. She endured the war and was led to believe of the special wonder of the Queen and of Churchill. She was suspicious of the black faces that started appearing in the 1960’s. She always lived in genteel towns that suffered gradual declines and were prone to nostalgia. As a Daily Mail reader, like most of her friends, every day saw headlines ridiculing the EU and targeting foreigners, either as benefit scroungers or job stealers or criminals or culture destroyers.
It is no surprise that my mum was a typical patriotic Brexiteer. She died four years before the referendum but there is no doubt which way she would have voted. She was a bit incurious, did not have a top education, and was rather over credulous of easy excuses, but she was a typical product of her time and not worthy of hate of disdain.
I remember this when I struggle to understand how Brexit was voted for. Nearly all of the people associate with would never have voted to leave. Many would be quick to condemn exit voters as dumb and worse, racist or even fascist. Judged by modern standards, my mum might have been a bit of all of those things, but, given her circumstances, it would have been unusual if she had been anything else. We should not blame my mum or people like her. The ones who should have known better were people like Paul Dacre and Boris Johnson.
I try to use similar thoughts when I try to understand how Trump became US president. I find it helpful; it stops me casting hate too readily.
My second thought is that Brexit is most consequential for Ireland.
I buy neither that the UK economy will enter a tailspin as a result of Brexit, nor that Britons will somehow be cut off from Europe and have to sacrifice their holidays and Brie. We were OK before the joining EU and will be OK after leaving it, although Brexit is undoubtedly a negative and the transition may be tough, and politics will remain a mess for some time. But doomsday stuff never rang true and was seen through during the campaign.
For me, the strongest argument is that living in peace with neighbours is a winning strategy for humanity, and, even without thoughts of economics, this should have been enough to keep us in. But perhaps that is rather a woolly and remote argument for people struggling to get through the week.
Ask most English people what the Brexit arguments are, and they will barely mention Ireland. But this is where many consequences lie. Sadly, the British have ignored or belittled Ireland for hundreds of years, and caused much suffering as a result, especially to the Irish.
It was inevitable that the exit negotiations would get stuck at what is called the Irish Backstop. The Republic is in the EU. Northern Ireland won’t be, if Brexit goes ahead. The hard Brexit brigade insist on escaping from the rule of free movement – remember, for my mum and her ilk, immigration is the dominant argument – and a consequence is no fully free trade either. So either Northern Ireland stays in the EU or its custom union, which cannot be accepted by Unionists since it is a big step towards a united Ireland, or a full land border between North and South must be reinstated, the first step back towards conflict and disastrous for the both parts of the Irish economy.
None of this was avoidable, yet the British carried on regardless until the buffers were hit. This also happened in the famine of the 1840’s and more recently in the Troubles. I lived in Belfast for a time in the 1980’s and saw first hand how an unsustainable policy leads to catastrophe. Of course Irish opportunists made things worse, but the root cause was clear.
So I blame Cameron. For political expediency, he has undone the historic work of Tony Blair, and carried on the British tradition of throwing the Irish under the bus. Contrary to lazy English stereotypes, the Irish are smart, witty and internationally popular. They will win the tactical battles, and even the long-term strategic ones, but it will be ordinary Irish people who suffer along the way, as usual.
My third thought is about the British character. It is really just an excuse to share some of the column inches I have admired. We already can deduce a lot about the British character by considering the evidence of the first two thoughts.
I read a nice quote from a Danish politician who claimed that Europe only had two types of nations, small ones and ones that haven’t yet realised they are small. This does indeed explain a lot about Britain’s history with the EU, from its initial reluctance to join to its suspicious behaviour as a member and now its readiness to leave recklessly. We really haven’t yet come to terms with the reality that world maps aren’t pink any more.
But my favourite article about Brexit and the British character was in the Guardian Weekly back on 30 November. Fittingly, it was by a witty Irishman, Fintan O’Toole, in an extract from a longer essay entitled Heroic Failures. The British are portrayed as paranoid masochists, many of whom are so traumatised by the 1940’s that the only alternative to domination that they can envisage is subordination. The article is full of wit and of wisdom, even if full of generalisation. The descriptions certainly fit my mum though.
This inability to accept harmonious partnership may be a common theme in declining great powers. I predict similar issues in the US over the next generation or two.
My final thought is that I don’t see an easy exit from the mess we have reached.
With no parliamentary deal in sight, I trust that May will seek to delay Brexit day, maybe for as much as a year, and that the EU and opposition will gladly agree. But then what? The Brexit brigade will cry betrayal and stir up yet more distrust of elites, and in any case a second referendum would be hard to formulate and create more division. So I suspect that there will be a general election later this year under a new Conservative leader, which at least will force Corbyn to articulate a policy. But that may solve nothing either, since for sure a new negotiation with EU would lead to the same impasse, while a decision to stay in for now would keep the Brexit brigade fired up for years to come. So don’t expect this to end any time soon, and not neatly either. The political story that has dominated my life as a Brit will probably outlive me.