The expression “If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it” is one of
my least favourite. It is an open invitation for complacency. Often, the stable
times offer the only opportunity to prepare for stormy times ahead. Once the
storm breaks, the fixes often fail.
I was reminded of this maxim this week when the US
government ground to a halt. No one could say they didn’t see it coming.
Congress has been dysfunctional for some years now. There was a time when the
threat of a deadline would lead to a last minute compromise. Then things got
worse, and the compromises still happened but all they did was to push the can
down the road. Finally, things got so bad that deadlines had no effect. First
the sequester, now the budget, next the debt ceiling.
It is unseemly and pathetic. As someone slightly to left in
European politics, I find myself almost off the scale to the left in the US, so
I blame the Republicans, perhaps too easily. Holding the government to ransom
over Obamacare now is like a soccer team refusing to play because they lost the
previous year. They did not like the bill but it was passed, and then contested
again in the presidential election last year, where it passed the test of
public opinion a second time.
But there is a wider truth here beyond the posturing. We
need to look at the causes not the symptoms.
Some causes come from long-term trends. The USA has a
serious competitiveness problem. It spends more than it earns. So the debt gets
bigger. And the fixes available get harder to swallow. Crisis follows crisis.
And the debate becomes more and more strident.
This is common in business or sport too. There is a popular
maxim that only in a crisis can problems be truly addressed. Some Shell
managers used this as a weapon. They would publicly threaten to sell or close
businesses, and hope that this would bring the local leadership around to take
some tough decisions. It can work, but more often I saw it fail: the fixes were
superficial and actually stored up even worse problems later.
The other cause I would highlight in the USA is the broken
political system. It has been a strength to have the executive, two houses of
congress and an active supreme court, providing checks and balances to reduce
the risk of extreme decisions. Why does it not seem a strength now?
One fundamental cause is because most house members are not
incentivized to find good solutions for the nation but only to pander to
extreme positions within their own party. The reason is that most congressional
districts have become uncompetitive because of boundary changes. In a two party
system without adequate supervision, it is been possible for Democrats and
Republicans to cluster their own voters into safe seats. Then the primary
system means that the biggest risk to a sitting member comes from their own
party rather than the wider population.
This may seem a geeky point to make, but in my view it is
critical to understand the dysfunction. Parts of the system have radically
different goals to other parts. Crisis response only works when goals are
sufficiently close to resolve issues and make good decisions. The prognosis
becomes scary. No matter how bad the crisis becomes, players are likely to dig
their heels in deeper and deeper. Even a potential historic reconciliation with
Iran could become a victim.
This leads me to propose a four-box model. On one axis plot
whether things are going well or going badly, on the other whether trends are
likely to make things better or worse.
Then if things are going well and trends are supportive, you
are allowed to use the “don’t fix it” maxim. If things are going well but
trends are negative, that is the moment to fix things, especially the
fundamentals such as governance models. If things are going badly, but trends
are supportive, then have the patience and courage to leave things alone.
Finally, if things are going badly and trends are negative, you have the
crisis. It may be too late already. Be selective in recognizing feasible fixes
with staying power, or else exit or retrench.
The challenge comes in recognizing the trends. It is usually
easy to see if things are going well or badly, but trends require some
analysis. If a strategy department provides nothing else, this analysis is
essential. Always focus there.
Then, having completed a diagnosis of which box we are in,
each presents its own challenge, except the happy land of a good performance
and positive trends.
Fixing things during good times requires honest analysis and
brave leaders. Those few countries to have fixed their pension systems in time
deserve great credit.
It can be just as tough to stay the course when good
solutions are in place but results have not yet emerged. In Shell, we had just
started to make our European organization a strength when we were made to go
global. There was time to embed and harvest the previous change. In this box,
continuity of leadership and management of expectations is critical.
The crisis box needs other skills. Pragmatism is critical,
to choose winnable battles and building credibility a step at a time amid
chaos.
What we see in the USA is the crisis box. Unfortunately, as
a country, exit is not an option. So we may see a slow spiral of doom. Usually,
when politics reaches the crisis box, there may be a war around the corner. The
key mistake in the USA was not to fix the fundamentals while the going was
good. Allowing the progressive redistricting of house seats has truly come home
to roost.
Other examples in politics are the UN, the EU, Britain and
France. The UN has had a good 2013, but remains sadly marginal, having lost the
game as early as 1951. Common goals are tough to find there, and we could
conclude that the very essence of global governance, through countries, has run
its course. The EU has become a scape-goat for everything that is wrong at national
level. Many opportunities to address inconsistencies were missed in the early
years of the Euro zone. Now it can be argued that given the scale of the crisis
the EU has performed very well, following the 4-box advice to retrench
feasibly, led by the wonderful Angela Merkel. In Britain, the liberals made
brave attempts in this parliament to rectify anomalies in the system, but
vested interests prevailed. The nation will pay. France has done nothing to
address its fundamental lack of competitiveness and the crisis will surely
follow.
In companies, look at poor old Blackberry and Nokia, both
slow to recognize negative trends and to respond in time, then finding their
space to respond effectively had vanished. Kodak remains the classic case
study. Amazon and Google seem to be doing well at using the good times to
evolve, while questions emerge about Apple. In the UK, Tesco became complacent,
but have time to bounce back.
In sports, Manchester United were a byword under Ferguson
for renewal during good times, but now may struggle as his legacy is a team
that he failed to refresh, just like Liverpool twenty years ago. Lower down
look at Southampton as a team that fixed the fundamentals, and may now thrive
for an extended period. In other sports, the All Blacks and the New England
Patriots are exemplary. You won’t hear “if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it” from
Graham Henry or Bill Bellichick.
We can also use the model in our personal lives. Health,
especially weight gain, is a good example. For most of us, trends are positive
until we hit thirty five or so. Until then we can eat whatever we like with no
consequence, but then things turn against us. Using our thirties to establish
good practices is much easier than waiting for the crisis and then trying to
respond. Similarly, addressing challenges with our kids is possible when then
are ten. But start when they are already fifteen and the road back is long.
So think about this four-box model. Which quadrant best fits
your skills? It might help you choose a company or a particular job. You can
also work out where you need to develop skills, and where to rely on a partner
to fill a gap in your skill set.
If only the US leaders and voters had been able to respond
in time. Now it may be too late. Last week I heard another terrible slogan,
this time at a company. Staring at some bad market research findings, some
leaders concluded “it can’t get any worse”. When you hear that one, it usually
can, and it usually will. When it comes to congress, we ain’t seen nothing yet.
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