Amid the misery about the failings of the
EU, we would do well to turn the argument on its head and celebrate its
triumphs. True, the Euro is a flawed project, with inadequate institutional and
legal support. But it happened anyway, it is still alive and growing, and it
has made living and doing business a lot easier for many citizens. The free
market is an unqualified success, as have been many of the social reforms,
despite repeated complaints from politicians looking to deflect blame for their
own inadequacies. The expansion to the east was a project of historic
proportions and significance, offering over 100 million people the reality of a
more prosperous and fair life.
But perhaps the greatest achievement is the
one that has come under pressure during 2015. The EU has a principle of free
movement of its citizens. For a part of the union covered by the Schengen
agreement, this goes further by making border controls perfunctory.
It is the freedom of movement, backed up by
other freedoms such as removal of exchange controls, which is so marvelous and
historically special. We are taught from an early age to love our countries, to
respect our passports and to be suspicious of foreigners, yet here are
twenty-eight nations taking concrete steps to pool their sovereignty, nations
that have spent much of their existence at war with each other.
My wife and I have a wonderful luxury
problem ahead of us during the next decade, when we finally leave the US.
Holding British and Dutch passports, we can choose to live wherever we like
within the EU. We occasionally talk of pros and cons of the various options,
but what we must remember is how privileged we are to have these options at
all.
But then I’d like to turn that argument on
its head once again. While the opening of rights within the EU is a historical
anomaly, is not the true anomaly that the movement of most global citizens is
so restricted? The planet belongs to all of us, and national borders are
man-made constructions, so why should the accidents of where we happen to be
born and the citizenship of our parents have such a profound limiting factor to
our lives?
Think about the great injustices of
history, slavery, race laws, limitations to voting rights and so on. How did
these happen, and why did they persist for so long? We should recall that for most of the time
that these practices were prevalent, people thought they were justified, even
normal. It was the way things had been, and somehow right. Even when movements
started out to abolish the practices, it took a long time for majorities to
back what we now see as basic human rights.
Imagine the arguments that defenders of the
status quo put forward in each of these cases, arguments strong enough to
persuade more than just racists and bigots. I think I can make a good guess at
what the arguments might have been.
Some arguments would be based on religion
or history or some natural superiority. Examples would be that we have always
had slaves and Jesus lived in a time of slaves. Then, the slaves don’t have any
education and would not be able to live decent lives even if they were
nominally free. This can extend to the thought that actually slavery benefits
the slaves, because they have some sort of security and a roof over their head.
Over time, people would be able to see
through these arguments as fundamentally unjust. It might take a generation or
two, and there would be many conservatives who continued to hold such beliefs,
but the power of such ideas would diminish as more and more came to see them
for what they were.
At this point, the killer argument kicks
in. We have to keep slavery, or whichever other injustice, because things would
collapse if we didn’t. If women could vote, for example, somehow the order of
society would be fundamentally changed and pillars would collapse and the
economy would be ruined and there would be intolerable social upheaval. If
slaves were freed, where could they live, how could we afford the transition,
and what about the prospect of riots or even wars if former slaves rose up?
Further, losing slaves would impact economic competitiveness and our way of
life, at least locally if not globally. In summary, rectifying these situations
would be a nice idea in theory, but it is just not practical, it is naïve.
Now fast forward to our current debate
about Syrian refugees, and, by extension, the limits to migration around the
world. Many people have not given a thought to the human injustice involved,
just as many people would have never thought slavery was unjust until general
society pointed it out. But for those who get beyond that, the practical
argument holds great sway.
Jeffrey Sachs is quite a good liberal
commentator, but in last week’s Guardian, the practical arguments were exactly
those he used to restrict immigration. He saw a flow as essentially unlimited,
and therefore unmanageable or at the very least unacceptable to public opinion.
Just as with slavery and the other blots on
human history, isn’t it time to move beyond such thoughts? And actually, even
the practical arguments are rather thin.
The most open societies have tended to be
the most successful and peaceful ones. When we see that in the last forty years
the US has grown faster than the EU and the EU faster than Japan, the Economist
would like us to believe it is all about small government and flexible labour
markets, but the dominant contributor has been the sheer size of the working
age population. Japan is ageing and shrinking faster than anywhere else, the EU
is ageing as well, but the US is growing – mainly thanks to those pesky
Hispanics that some politicians would see sent home.
It has been the same through history. This
morning, I looked up the history of passports on Wikipedia. Among other things,
I learned that the first passport is recorded in the Hebrew bible, that the
name came from the fact that ports were traditionally free zones while to
“pass” the port required some authorization, and that passports first came into
common use in sixteenth century, in England. I also found out that passports
were largely ignored in the age of trains from 1860-1910, for practical
reasons, but then came back into vogue after World War 1, for security reasons
and to control emigration (people wanting to get out, not come in). Is it a
coincidence that 1860-1910 was an age of global development, and the inter-war
years saw depression?
The US is quite a good case study for free
movement, since states have very different laws and people are free to move
between states. There have been periods of massive flows, but systems find ways
to cope with such changes and in the end there are counter-flows. Detroit grew
while there was work, then shrunk, and now starts to grow again. The southwest
is growing, but will be limited once water becomes so scarce that people will
be asked to pay properly for it. New York continues to grow, but some find the place
too noisy and the rents too high.
In the event of global free movement,
initial flows might put strains on services, but in the end new equilibria
would come about, and finally most people would rather stay close to where they
were born and where they understand the culture. There would need to be some
transitional rules, for sure. Countries would need to qualify for the global free
movement zone, which would nudge their policies in a good direction: what
better advertisement could there be for the west over somewhere like Russia,
for example?
The EU shows it is feasible. The US shows
that it is beneficial. Comparing prevailing arguments with historical ones like
slavery and women’s rights shows that it is just. So why can’t we fight the
reactionaries around the world with the wonderful prospect of free global
movement, and design how it can be made a reality? Perhaps in fifty years time
we will all be able to look back and see this as just one more removal of a
natural injustice.
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