Every so
often we can put two or three big trends together into a melting pot and come
up with an idea that could enable progress in many areas at once. Here is one –
let people be paid for work they traditionally are not paid for.
Four big
trends are facing society together. Each constitutes threats and opportunities.
The first
trend is the changing nature of work. Before the industrial revolution, nearly
all work was within a community, domestic and unpaid. Then the concept arrived
that men should work a job, away from home, from about 18 to 65, Monday to
Friday, while women looked after the family.
Now this
concept is breaking down. Automation means there are not enough of such jobs to
go around. Many people do several jobs, some more like gigs, some at home, and
with more flexible boundaries concerning retirement. Consequences include
unwelcome idleness, feelings of worthlessness, rising inequality, and straining
tax and welfare systems. One partial solution gaining credence is a universal
basic income. The candidate of the ruling party in the upcoming French
presidential election has this on his platform, so the idea is no longer
considered marginal. But it is hard to see how it could be affordable.
The second
trend is demographic. We are all more healthy and living much longer. This
helps to feed the first trend, because people want or need to work longer. But
the bigger impact is social. While healthy, these old people need activities.
Then as they gradually become less healthy they create an unmet demand for
minor forms of care, more like companionship than medical support. Finally,
they do need medical care. Consequences are packed and unpleasant nursing
homes, strains on relatives pressed into caring, and unsustainable pressure on
health care costs.
The third
trend is social. The paradigm that men go out to work and women stay at home
has broken down. But residual consequences of the former system linger. Women
do most housework. Women are paid less for the same work. Young kids become
expensive in terms of lost income or caring costs, yet still often receive
insufficient early learning. Much of what women used to do remains undervalued
and often barely visible. Consequences include lingering gender inequality and
disrespect, and unfair disadvantages for kids of poorer and single parents.
The final
trend is technological. Much more is possible nowadays as a result. That feeds
the other trends, for example through firms like Uber. But technology also
offers a chance to revolutionise what we now call welfare. A billion Indians
are now registered in a scheme allowing benefits to be paid with far less waste
and corruption. Technology could also monitor domestic and community work,
making it possible for it to be paid at affordable costs of administration,
safely and with minimal abuse.
Now put all
these trends together, and consider the simple idea of enabling payment for
many of the things we currently do for free. I do some paid work, but I also
look after the kids and help maintain the household. My parents are dead but I
volunteer at an old folks home and could do more with more incentive and
training. Most of us do these things, and could do more. Our communities could
benefit from more of such things being done, and done better.
I envisage
a series of roles for segmented groups of recipients. The recipient groups
would be pre-schoolers, elementary school kids, older children and adults with
mental health issues, people with physical disability, people in forms of rehabilitation
or deprivation, independent but lonely elderly, less dependent elderly and
fully dependent elderly.
The roles
would be tiered, starting from companionship, errands, and moving through group
activities towards psychological and educational support and reaching medical
monitoring or even limited medical intervention. There are also some civic
roles providing things like park maintenance. All roles would require (free)
some training before application with any recipients beyond immediate family (and
recommended even for that group).
Recipients
would carry a personal budget depending on need, and roles paid hourly rates
starting at minimum wage and growing with responsibility. Administration would
be via something like care.com, with local staff monitoring needs,
opportunities and abuses. You can self-report roles carried out within your own
family, so for example young kids and aged parents living with or near their
children would usually have most of their budgets claimed by their own family.
But recipients can’t pocket their own budget – if it is unused it is lost.
Many people
would object to this plan, and indeed there would be sure to be teething
problems and complicated details to work through. I can envisage three main
objections, beyond the group that simply things these things are family
responsibilities (usually men thinking their wives should stay at home).
Objection
would come from teachers and care workers, fearful of losing their jobs and
reductions in quality standards. There are legitimate concerns here, even
though the goal is to radically expand provided care rather than to replace
existing expert provision, and the scheme would offer supervision opportunities
to these groups. One way to win over this group is to demonstrate that the
scheme would add perceived value to their expertise and contribution to
society.
The second
objection would be cynics pointing to abuse and corruption. This would surely
exist, no matter how smart the technology. But my heart tells me that in the
vast majority of cases the opposite effect would happen. Rather than claiming
for shoddy work or work not done, most of us would become some fulfilled by
helping society that we would develop bonds with those we are serving, and end
up offering much more time and love than we would claim for. This would perhaps
be the biggest change and greatest transformative benefit from the idea.
The last
and toughest objection would be affordability. For those who think that GDP is
the only legitimate goal, this scheme would indeed seem unattractive. I would
counter mainly by challenging the primacy of the goal, suggesting a happier and
healthier society might be more important, and that indeed such a society would
be more productive even by the narrow GDP measure.
But I have
practical arguments too. A lot of the funding would actually replace parts of
existing schemes, such as child, maternity and disability benefits and even
pensions. I would also reduce personal tax allowances. The idea is not to
eliminate such things, but create a situation where we earn some of the
benefit. As an example, we receive less child benefit, but then claim part of
the budget allocated to the child by caring for it. Similarly, a pensioner
would receive some services directly instead of money to buy services.
The bigger
benefits would come through reductions in budgets for healthcare and other
budgets such as prison rehabilitation. More people could live functional lives
within their community because of the scheme, reducing needs for things like
hospital stays.
No doubt
these mitigations would not provide all the funding, though the remainder would
be no more than the cost of a universal basic income, for example. The
difference I would make up through income taxes on high earners and the old
staples of financial transaction and carbon taxes. The net effect would be to
redistribute towards those that need it most, and a massive increase in
provision of services that society needs.
Of course
there is little prospect of anything resembling this idea coming to fruition,
certainly not in the so-called land of the free. Watch the Nordics as usual for
the first movers. But if you look at the objectors listed above, those are the
ones with the power. Taking on chauvinists, protected public sector workers,
cynics and corporate apologists all at the same time would be a big challenge.
But look at the four trends and what this scheme could achieve, and maybe
something like this could gain some momentum. I hope so.
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